A Gingrinch nomination will mean a campaign focused on the wrong issues.
“No man is good enough to be president,” wisely observed Abraham Lincoln, one of the nation’s greatest, “but someone has to be.”
Thanksgiving remains the most American of all our holidays. Thanksgiving belongs to everyone. It is truly an ecumenical day without sectarian divide. To fully celebrate Thanksgiving, you do not have to belong to any particular religious group or tradition, or for that matter, to belong to any religious group or tradition.No costumes or expensive purchases required. No loud music or forced late-night gaiety or painful next-morning hangover. Happy Thanksgiving.
Here are just a few things to be thankful for on Thanksgiving.
When it comes to the practice of rhetorical grave-robbery, President Barack Obama is a repentant recidivist.
For more than half a century, American liberals, resistant to swelling defense budgets, have regularly quoted Republican President Dwight D. Eisenhower’s warning delivered on Jan. 17, 1961 — just three days before he was to leave the White House — in his farewell address to the nation: “In the councils of government, we must guard against the acquisition of unwarranted influence, whether sought or unsought, by the military-industrial complex.”
The bad news for Obama is that the voters don't know just who he is.
In Ohio, which has voted for the winning White House nominee in the last 12 consecutive presidential elections, there has been no major county that has been more reliably Republican than Hamilton, with its county seat of Cincinnati.
If Herman Cain wins the GOP nomination, the country will see a historic election.
There is a glib, widely circulated explanation offered for the remarkable rise of outsider Herman Cain in barely five weeks from fifth place to first — from being the choice of just 5 percent of Republican voters to being the favorite of 27 percent in the Wall Street Journal-NBC News poll. That explanation goes like this: Herman Cain is just the latest winner of the Republican’s latest ABM — Anybody But Mitt (Romney) — competition. The former Massachusetts governor, who in spite of a series of polished, professional debate performances, seems to be stuck around 23 percent in the same poll, which suggests that Romney’s popularity could have a “low ceiling.”
Republicans should stop looking for a political love affair.
Robert D. Novak, a great and controversial political reporter, judged Eugene McCarthy's nomination of Adlai Stevenson at the 1960 Democratic convention in Los Angeles to be "the greatest national convention speech I ever heard."
Fans of both men will be upset, but the political similarities between the 1988 Democratic presidential nominee, former Massachusetts Gov. Michael Dukakis, and 2012 Republican presidential front-runner, Texas Gov. Rick Perry, are more than striking.
While walking the halls of the James H. Hilton Coliseum on the Iowa State University campus where the recent Republican straw poll was being held, I ran into one of my favorite Republican presidential candidates (now turned successful television host), former Arkansas Gov. Mike Huckabee. Not surprisingly, he had some fascinating insights on the 2012 GOP race.
While it might sound like a Hollywood screenplay, what follows really did happen. It was a bare-knuckles political fight for the Democratic nomination for the U. S. Senate featuring two heavyweight contenders.
Mitt Romney, the once and almost certainly future Republican presidential candidate, has great teeth and hair and near-perfect features. He hasn't gained five pounds in the last 40 years, and I bet, as an adolescent, he never had pimples. To this day, his suits and shirts miraculously never seem to wrinkle.
Losing political campaigns do not build character, but they do reveal character. When your campaign has the strong scent of loser about it, you do get to hear the most creative excuses why local officeholders have an unavoidable conflict that prevents them from sharing any public platform with you when you are campaigning in their hometown.
It probably had something to do with the countless hours involuntarily spent assembling, disassembling and cleaning my M-1 rifle, and in seeing up-close the damage semi-automatic weapons can inflict, but I have never thought of guns as anything other than brutally efficient tools for crippling and killing human beings.
Some of my more disapproving colleagues in the press corps regularly remind the rest of us that there is only one way to look at any politician: down!
The anger rises. The fury rages at a new economic order that rules our lives. American capitalism has now been redefined to mean the freedom of the rich to reap enormous rewards if the risks they take do work out and - more importantly - if those risks do not work out, for everybody else to bail out the rich. In the American financial world, we have an economic hybrid: free enterprise for the working majority and socialism for the privileged rich.
It was a great run while it lasted. To be a Boston Red Sox fan meant your team - especially when matched against the too rich, too arrogant and altogether too successful New York Yankees - was predictably cast as the gutsy outsider David against baseball's overbearing Goliath.
Gloria Steinem, the feminist author and activist, argued that abortion was "the moral equivalent of a tonsillectomy" and that the human fetus was nothing more than a "mass of dependent protoplasm." If Steinem's stated views ever enjoyed popular support, they emphatically do not do so today.
Let me begin with a confession. On Aug. 28, 2009, the Friday following the death of Massachusetts Sen. Edward M. Kennedy, on PBS's "NewsHour With Jim Lehrer," David Brooks of The New York Times and I were asked by Judy Woodruff: If somehow Massachusetts Democrats were able to change their state law that denied the state's governor the authority to fill the vacant Senate seat, who then might be appointed to the Senate by Gov. Deval Patrick?
Tom Corbett is the Republican attorney general of the state (to be more precise, the commonwealth) of Pennsylvania and a candidate for governor. According to his campaign, Corbett deserves a look because he has protected Pennsylvanians "from all walks of life."
Beyond the constitutionally mandated annual State of the Union addresses, presidential speeches to a joint session of Congress - of the kind that President Barack Obama delivered on health care reform last week - are historically rare.
As a young Army lieutenant, and later a major, he served two tours of combat duty in Vietnam, where he would know the personal pain of holding in his arms a young, dying soldier and where he pledged, if he ever were to make policy, that he "would not quietly acquiesce in half-hearted warfare for half-baked reasons that the American people could not understand."
On Jan. 21, 1971, the 55 Democratic U.S. senators caucused to elect by secret ballot their party leaders. Sen. Ted Kennedy, who had been elected to the Democrats' No. 2 Senate job, majority whip, two years earlier, was challenged by West Virginia Sen. Robert C. Byrd. In an unexpected upset, Byrd defeated Kennedy by a vote of 31 to 24.
In their superb book on last year's presidential election, "The Battle for America 2008," Dan Balz and Haynes Johnson, two gifted political reporters, persuaded David Axelrod, Barack Obama's political strategist, to share his Nov. 28, 2006, memorandum assessing the strengths and weaknesses of Obama as a potential 2008 presidential candidate.
TOWSON, MD. - Those of us who live in Washington, D.C., do not make movies or airplanes. We do not raise corn or cattle. What Washington occasionally makes is public policy, and we constantly produce "conventional wisdom."
The late Adlai Stevenson of Illinois, a political leader of surpassing eloquence, once introduced John F. Kennedy, the man who defeated him for the 1960 Democratic presidential nomination, this way: "Do you remember that in classical times when Cicero had finished speaking, the people said, 'How well he spoke,' but when Demosthenes had finished speaking, they said, 'Let us march'?"
All Democrats with an IQ above room temperature understand the gigantic stakes involved in the success - or failure - of President Barack Obama's commitment to overhaul the nation's healthcare system. Those stakes include nothing less than the political fate, fortune and future of this still-new Democratic administration and, quite possibly, the continued survival of Democratic majorities in the Congress.
President John F. Kennedy frequently told audiences: "There are three things which are real: God, human folly and laughter. The first two are beyond our comprehension, so we must do what we can with the third." Nobody in recent American politics ever did more with and for laughter than former Texas Gov. Ann Richards, who sadly left these mortal precincts, altogether too soon, not quite three years ago.
Losing presidential campaigns are a lot like failed marriages. In their aftermath, both unhappy experiences regularly leave similar casualties: open wounds, paralyzing self-doubt and an irresistible urge to settle personal scores.
There is a theme, a mantra you will hear regularly expressed by those who oppose President Barack Obama's push to overhaul the national's health care system: their all-out resistance to any "government-run" health plan.
All things being equal (which, as we all know, they never are), President Obama would rather, we are told, that the U.S. Senate pass 85 percent of his proposed health care reform with the backing of 70 senators than pass 100 percent of his plan with just 51 or 52 votes.
Over more than half a century of superb work, David Broder has earned the title of dean of American political reporters. So I pay attention when David Broder writes, as he did, on the eve of the last presidential campaign:
Whenever you get fed up listening to some gasbag run on and on about how everybody in Congress is a faker or a hypocrite or both, tell the gasbag to call me so I can introduce him to Rep. Walter Jones, the North Carolina Republican now serving his eighth term.
The prevailing consensus in Washington endorsing the deregulating of American business from government supervision had been self-assured: Government was not the solution; government was the problem. The smart money all agreed that The Private Sector knew best. Federal rules on business were, almost by definition, obstacles to economic growth and, probably, socialistic schemes dreamed up by some impractical theoretician who obviously "had never met a payroll."
In his terrific and readable new biography of President Andrew Jackson, "American Lion," Jon Meacham reports on the absence of communications between President-elect Jackson and the man whom he defeated, President John Quincy Adams.
Among others, James Michael Curley, the charismatically colorful Irish-American politician who was elected to the Congress, mayor of Boston and governor of Massachusetts, candidly observed, "Every time you do a favor for a constituent, you make nine enemies and one ingrate."
Long before he would become a respected Washington attorney (no, that is not an oxymoron!), Harry McPherson, as a young man, had recently graduated from his home-state University of Texas Law School and come to Washington and gone to work in 1956 on Capitol Hill for Senate Majority Leader Lyndon B. Johnson. Nine years later, McPherson, by then a White House counsel, was in the House chamber when President Johnson summoned a joint session of Congress to pass the nation's first voting rights act in order to enforce constitutional guarantees for black Americans to register and vote in the United States of America.
In the 1972 Florida Democratic presidential primary, former Vice President Hubert Humphrey, an especially admirable public servant, was featured speaker at a Miami dinner sponsored by combined Jewish philanthropies. In attendance was a group of voters widely known for their generosity and political clout, who had been regularly courted and wooed by the most importunate and creative of candidate-suitors.
What have we learned after six years? That we went to war against a country that did not threaten the United States, a country that had never attacked the United States, and because of weapons that this country did not have, weapons that did not exist.
In a burst of clear thinking, the national Democratic Party in 2007 permitted just four states - New Hampshire, Iowa, Nevada and South Carolina - to hold their presidential nominating contests before Feb. 5, 2008.
What sauce do you eat with crow? That's the question asked by yours truly and an unhealthy majority of my fellow travelers on the press bus who could not resist speculating the fallout from Hillary Clinton's losing the Texas or Ohio primary.
Politicians of the losing party are always quick to find the "gimmick" a winning opponent has so obviously mastered that explains the winner's success with the voters.
During a political campaign, there are certain verbs you never want to see in a newspaper headline anywhere near your candidate's name.
Let me tell you, from personal experience, what the presidential campaigns of Sen. Barack Obama and Sen. Hillary Clinton are experiencing hourly in late February of 2008.
Long before he would become Democratic Party chairman as well as the colorful and successful Washington lawyer, Bob Strauss grew up in the small West Texas cowboy town of Stamford, where, as he joked, his non-Jewish neighbors thought "Hanukkah was a duck call."
MANCHESTER, N.H. - Les Biffle remains the most legendary American "pollster" whose name nobody knows. During the 1948 presidential campaign - when literally all the Wise Men of the press corps (there were among the press no acknowledged Wise Women in 1948) had, long before a single vote was cast, named Republican Thomas E. Dewey the winner over Democratic President Harry Truman - Democratic operative Biffle, disguising himself as a butter and egg salesman, traveled throughout the Midwest. Listening only to ordinary voters, he turned out to be the only semi-public figure to correctly predict the historic Truman upset victory.